A Picture of Components of Labor Organization under the NSDAP

The Danat Bank goes under and Weimar Government bails them via a mergewith Dresdner under direction of the Catholic Centre Party. The Weimar Government also bails out United Steel Works by buying 25 million Reichsmark of stock for 99 million. When the Adolf Hitler administration brought Hjalmar Schact to fore in 1933, the Weimar governments supposed "nationalization" process was undone and Schact sold their government monopolies. This is often seen as a supposed reversal, i.e privatization. The core logical fallacy here is that if Adolf Hitler simply reducing stock in major government monopolies within German firms made him a capitalist, then conservative centrist Bruning, head of the Catholic Centre Party, could be regarded as a socialist. Fundamentally speaking the National Socialist German Workers Party (NSDAP) had functionally nationalized practically every business by dispatching party delegates to begin operations from within a particular business to function accordingly to party outlines. It is worth noting that these directives were, to be sure, issued directly by the German Labour Front and enforced by Betriebsonmanner, cell leaders, placed within factories. The German Labour Front, founded in 1933 as the direct successor to National Socialist Factory Cell Organization (German: NSBO, which ironically coexisted with its successor for a few days), was the practical manifestation of corporatism in the National Socialist government. Amongst the functions of this parent organization were the division of professional, productive and agricultural groups which merged employee and employer classes into a structure answerable to various representative offices of their profession. Moreover, directives of the NSBO which were later inherited by the DAF included a restriction of all hirings or firings not explicitly approved by consultation with workers councils set up under the auspices of the cell organizations active.

Sources: The Vampire Economy (Günter Reimann), Inside IG Farben (Stephan H. Lindner), pages 68-69, Against the Mainstream (Germà Bel) PDF page 6, The Nazi Dictatorship and the Deutsche Bank pages 6 through 11

Said councils were hardly even controlled exclusively by national socialist devotees. Following the Gesetz zur Ordnung der nationalen Arbeit (AOG; Law on the Organization of National Labor) many liquidations of independent trade unions occurred, and were subsequently replaced by cells of the DAF or NSBO, answerable to the aforementioned piece of legislation. In this arrangement, many socialists, democrats, conservatives and liberals were included in the ranks of these cells, and their corresponding trust councils set up to negotiate and enforce contractual workers rights between employee and employer. Fundamentally speaking, however, a core tenet of National Socialist at the time was the complete abolition of employee and employer as distinct classes or, rather, to abolish class conflict entirely. In doing this, several legal rearrangements were prescribed by the AOG, among them a reorganization of the traditional wage-earning paradigm of employee and employer, rather defining the entire workplace as a functional plant community. Employees were legally defined as followers and employers the plant leader, said plant leader being responsible for the enforcement of arranging the business in such a way as to pursue the interests defined by their factory cell, often sidelining profit in favor of these interests, though profit nonetheless flowed in. Indeed, this even happened according to whatever the interests of that factory cell desired. Even if it was not always politically rigid, as in the case of IG Farben, where only one Nazi held post on the board of directors. In policies that likely hold significant ideological heritage in the policies outlined by Gottfried Feder in his infamous book, The German State on a National and Socialist Foundation, which held twilights of an idea analogous to Douglasite social credit, Josef Wagner was appointed Reich Commissioner for Pricing in 1936, under whom, as Gunter Reimann writes, millions upon millions of questionnaires, files and such were distributed across Germany in order to acquire a "true picture of demands, stocks, etcs." whilst associated statistical firms within the labor frameworks catalogued and collected the statistical records and output of thousands of important German firms. Normal requirements, supply and demand, among other key statistical figures which go into market performance of these firms, were calculated by aforementioned organizations. 

Sources: The Vampire Economy (Günter Reimann), particularly page 56, Inside IG Farben (Stephan H. Lindner), page 64, page 70, pages 71-72, Against the Mainstream (Germà Bel), pages 3, 9, The Nazi Dictatorship and the Deutsche Bank page 11

The German Labor Front itself was a trade union, one which all private trade unions were privatized into (and offered no resistance; they practically had more strength than ever before) until the organization eventually reached a total membership of 32 million. The National Socialist German Workers Party itself only ever reached about 8.5 million. The German Labor Front also did, in fact, have control over pay and conditions, something made abundantly clear by the readjustments that IG Farben was forced to make in the early days of the regime. Indeed, chairmen of the German Labor Front were appointed to each large-scale corporation with numerous plants. Moreover, as Christian Schneider attests, national law required the creation of advisory boards on every enterprise with various plants designed to advise managerial staff on questions of welfare. Members of such boards were often confidential. Social welfare raised on account of these boards were often contributed to the construction of worker homes and benefits, alongside a general improvement in local conditions. It is worth noting that the population of Greater Germany in 1938 was approximately 78 million people, and in 1938 the German Labor Front had approximately 32 million members. Approximately 41% of the German population was a member of the German Labor Front, the state trade union.

Sources: A Concise History of the Third Reich, page 32,  Statistisches Jahrbuch für das Deutsche Reich, 1919–1941/42, Hells Cartel (Diarmuid Jeffreys), Trials of War Criminals before the Nuernberg Military Tribunals under Control Council Law, No. 10. October 1946 - April 1949 page 719-21